Alan Macfarlane Witchcraft In Tudor And Stuart History Pdf
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- Witchcraft in Tudor Times | History Today
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- Analyzing a Historical Debate
- A cultural history of witchcraft
The publication in of Hugh Trevor-Roper's essay on the European witch-craze marked a watershed in modern scholarship.
Witchcraft in Tudor Times | History Today
A short summary of this paper. A cultural history of witchcraft. Let me begin this historiographic overview with a few personal remarks recalling our cooperation. I was a research assistant at the time, developing an interest in various aspects of ''popular religion,'' such as heresy, sainthood, and shamanism, 1 and I was eager to hear his theoretically based insights into the history of ''popular culture.
He encouraged me to broaden my interest from Hungarian shamanism to an overall examination of Hungarian witch trials a historical topic that at the time had not been made the subject of much scholarly study. It was the first international conference to which I had been invited as a speaker.
William Monter, Erik Midelfort, and Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, started to study witchcraft according to the contemporary trend of historiography, relying on ''popular '' testimonies. Ibid, ; Hugh R. Arthur C. Howland Philadelphia, For a detailed overview of the historiography of witchcraft see Thomas A.
Fudge, ''Traditions and Trajectories Earlier witchcraft research primarily focused on analysis of the confessions of accused witches most frequently extracted by torture, and tried to make sense of the ludicrous revelations on the witches' traffic with the devil and their mysterious nightly assemblies.
This was supported and complemented by analysis of related works of learned demonology. The emerging new explanation of witchcraft conflicts was based on understanding the problems and fears of villagers and the motivations for persecution ''from below,'' an approach labelled by Alan Macfarlane ''the sociology of accusation.
Instead of spectacular tales of witches' sabbaths, these testimonies revealed a set of interwoven conflicts stemming from everyday animosities and offered explanations for misfortunes in terms of suspected maleficium attributed to Seventeenth Century England London, ; Alan Macfarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England: A Regional and Comparative Study London, ; E.
Glendinning Chicago, ; Sidney Anglo, ed. The new interpretations diverged as to whether witchcraft accusations and persecutions ultimately constituted a system of sanctions for the breaking of communal norms, whether they ''helped to uphold the traditional obligations of charity and neighbourliness at a time when other social and economic forces were conspiring to weaken them'' as suggested by Keith Thomas following Evans-Pritchard 15 or, conversely, whether they were a tool in the hands of individualist accusers to liberate themselves from the obligations of expected solidarity not only refusing charity, but also eliminating those who grudgingly demanded it, by accusing them of having resorted to magical vengeance , as proposed by Alan Macfarlane.
How can one isolate the specific contributions of cultural history within this broader field, and how does a cultural historical approach of European witch trials differ from other competing approaches? To quote Peter Burke again, from his recent formulation of What is Cultural History, ''a cultural history of trousers, for instance, would differ from an economic history of the same subject.
Following Burke, who was looking for a definition of what cultural history is in the cultural history of cultural history, I would try to scrutinize from this angle recent witchcraft studies, which have been closely intertwined, from the s on, with three historiographic currents exercising great impact on what we now call cultural history. The manifold historiographic and cultural roots of this current of cultural history cannot be discussed in detail here. Lydia G. Let me start with a remote historiographic reference.
In his essay ''Witchcraft: Nonsense or a Mental Revolution? They should rather investigate how, in that age, the standards of proof, evidence, and reality were different from ours, and examine when a ''mental revolution'' brought a break in this an epistemological discontinuity, as Michel Foucault would later have said. On the basis of this, Mandrou became one of the few scholars who dared to address the question how exactly did this major change in mentalities come about, how could a significant majority of the elite lose faith in the reality of magical activities.
Strangely enough, Mandrou did not connect his take on the problem of witchcraft with his earlier innovative though much criticised views on popular culture, mentioned above. This issue became central, subsequently, in the work of Robert Muchembled. Problems in the HistoricalMuchembled's book on popular and elite culture in early modern France, which was published only two years after Peter Burke's related book, proposed to regard witch hunts as the most efficient means of suppressing and disciplining popular culture, resulting in a devastating ''acculturation.
All traditional beliefs, popular festivities, dances, customs, and healing practices could be stigmatized and forbidden by being integrated into the satanic myth of the diabolic witches' sabbath. Muchembled's thesis has been accepted rather critically, as was the acculturation thesis in general. There was one distinct territory in which the new categories of elite and popular culture came to be used for elaborating a new paradigm in research on witchcraft: the problem of demonology and the witches' sabbath.
When Carlo Ginzburg discovered the benandanti in , 40 he contrasted the popular, shamanistic concepts unfolding from the confessions of these seventeenthcentury ''good witches'' 41 with the learned demonological dogmas of inquisitions, and analyzed the historical process by which the century-long persecution of the benandanti managed to distort and transform this archaic popular belief system, assimilating it into the inquisitors' elite concept of the diabolic witches' sabbath.
Inspired by this insight, Norman Cohn and Richard Kieckhefer pointed out in their books on Europe's Inner Demons and European Witch Trials: Their Foundation in Popular and Learned Culture published almost simultaneously that the person of the devil was altogether absent from medieval witch trials principally related to courtly, urban, or village conflicts concerning maleficium accusations.
This was a long process of evolution, integrating ''black mass'' accusations against medieval heretics, 43 notions of ritual magic, ecclesiastic legends on the pact with the devil, and demonological constructions resulting from the trial against the Knight Templars and other scapegoats in the reign of Philip the Fair and later the papacy of John XXII. The gradual introduction of the diabolic concepts of the witches' sabbath could be followed with chronological accuracy, and the geographic and regional dimensions could also be clearly perceived.
The comparative inquiries initiated in in Stockholm and continued in a similar large conference in in Budapest revealed that the diabolic concept of the witches' sabbath and the related mechanism of chain-accusations spread like an innovation to the east and the north of Europe, with a considerable time-lag. They assumed the role of the opponents of witches, but this ultimately led to their demise.
They themselves were accused of being witches, not only by church inquisitors or witch-hunting secular courts, but also by their clients and neighbors. Rather, it has to be seen as a complex and entangled set of cultural transmissions, borrowings, and transformations. The concept of the witches' sabbath, as Carlo Ginzburg pointed out in connection with the benandanti, 50 was not only a learned or inquisitorial invention. It also integrated existing popular concepts and practices that were subsequently transformed and diabolized this observation earned Ginzburg the misplaced accusation of being a follower of Margaret Murray Robert Rowland, examining Portuguese inquisitional documents, underlined the fact that the interrogation of witches and witnesses was actually a cooperative process that fed more and more local and popular beliefs into the internationally disseminated and theoretically structured system of the diabolic witches' sabbath.
The explanation of witchcraft accusations in terms of the paradigm of conflicts between popular and learned culture also attracted the attention of Aron Gurevich, who followed the debates on ''popular culture'' and ''popular religion'' attentively and with a critical alertness, and prepared his own synthetic overviews on the topic in and Gurevich also integrated in his overview the recent insights and conclusions of historical anthropology the ''sociology of accusations'' advocated by Keith Thomas and Alan Macfarlane.
Beyond the acculturation model, the opposition of popular and elite versions of beliefs concerning witchcraft, and the problem of the general climate of anxiety in the early modern period, there was a fourth fertile territory within the popular culture approach to research on witchcraft: examination of the conflicts related to popular medicine, healing and midwifery, and the role of cunning folk.
In fact, these results have been so prolific that I cannot do justice here to all the recent research in which witchcraft is analyzed within the framework of some variety of cultural history. In this third part of my study I will enumerate some of the research directions that seem the most inspiring to me from this point of view and elaborate a bit on the one in which I am currently engaged.
I would begin with some of the recent products on the history of witchcraft that follow the methodologies of historical anthropology and microhistory in the footsteps of Thomas, Macfarlane, and Boyer and Nissenbaum.
In I am inclined to say only to a limited extent. The real novelty of the anthropological approach lay in the explanation of accusations of witchcraft with reference to underlying social tensions, treating them as a kind of ''social strain-gauge,'' and microhistory also aimed at the ''thick description'' of the social conflicts leading to accusation. I will return shortly to recent critiques of this approach by Stuart Clark and others. At the same time I must stress that these analyses also implied an attentive scrutiny of the cultural and religious surroundings of the accusation, and this naturally evolved in the direction of cultural history.
A second important field of the cultural history of witchcraft was the unfolding of a new, often passionate debate on the origins of the witches' sabbath. Carlo Ginzburg's Ecstasies provoked a renewal of research here after While the limits of the applicability of the notion of shamanism can indeed be debated, 70 much of the criticism addressed to Ginzburg, frequently with strong inquisitorial rhetoric, seems to me unwarranted.
On the basis of these examples she identified, in addition to shamanism, another important popular belief system that could have played an important role in the formation of the concept of the witches' sabbath, namely ambivalent fairy-mythologies.
In addition to the exemplary volume on the ''imaginaire du sabbat,'' 78 they published a series of detailed case studies that threw new light on the relationship between late medieval heresy and early formulations of the witches' sabbath, also recently subjected to scholarly scrutiny by others. My preliminary judgement would be that the duality of shamanism, fairy beliefs, or other archaisms, on one hand, and the religious-intellectual-institutional history of the construction of the complex sabbath mythology on the other certainly demand the critical skills of cultural history, but they might lead in too many divergent directions and fields to be examined along the lines of a unified methodology.
These classificatory uncertainties surface less with the third type of inquiry to be presented here, the one operating under the banner of the ''linguistic turn,'' promoted at the Swansea conference organized by Stuart Clark. Aiming to provide an accurate and attentive interpretation of witchcraft narratives as preserved in judicial recordings of these testimonies, Clark advocates paying more attention to how the ''cultural narratives'' of witchcraft have been constructed, imagined, and represented, and basing analyses on the primacy of language and the referentiality of texts in order to uncover plots and tropes.
Studies by Marion Gibson and Malcolm Gaskill examined the story-types, the legal narratives, pointing out that the social conflict repeatedly proposed by historical anthropologists as the typical motivation for witchcraft accusations, the ''refusal of charity,'' is itself a story-type, a narrative that may count as proof in the eyes of the court and may be employed by accusers as such.
One may wonder whether this in fact constitutes a new question. Quite early on, Jules Michelet and Joseph Hansen treated this as one of the central issues of the history of witchcraft persecution. The exaggerated role attributed to women in witchcraft matters has been countered by Malcolm Gaskill, Eva Labouvie, Lara Apps and Andrew Gow, Rolf Schulte, and Alison Rowlands, who all attempt to shed light on the neglected role of ''male witches. Let me quote here the observation of Miri Rubin: ''Joan Wallach Scott's Gender and the Politics of History is as much an essay on the history of gender as it is on cultural history, and history in general.
This leads me to the fifth and last current of the cultural history of witchcraft I would like to discuss here, the one I have been trying to cultivate myself over the past two decades, in connection with an unfinished book project on Sainthood and Witchcraft.
The problem itself could be formulated by viewing witchcraft beliefs and their function in explaining and handling everyday misfortune, illness, and calamities by situating the related practices in a broader religious, cultural, and gendered framework in the long-term history of the universe of positive and negative concepts regarding the supernatural.
This implies a meticulous structural comparison of the two sets of beliefs within Christianity, where supernatural capacity and agency is attrib-uted to real human beings, namely to saints and witches.
With this enquiry there emerges a need to situate the related or attributed manifestations of these two figures in a common analytical framework-miracle and bewitchment maleficium -and also to study the manner in which the surrounding culture narrates, reformulates, and adjudicates these phenomena.
I first articulated my ideas on this subject in the s in studies on the ambivalence of late medieval female sainthood and the structural ambiguities in medieval miracles on vengeance, which came close to bewitchments. One of the issues I am currently dwelling on is the interplay of medieval interpretations of dreams with the discernment of heavenly and diabolic apparitions in the work of Johannes Nider and the mass of witness depositions in late medieval canonization processes and early modern witch trials.
Aron Iakovlevich Gurevich, Popularnoie bogoslovie i narodnaia religiosnost srednich vekov Moscow, [People's theology and popular religiosity in the Middle Ages]; idem, Problemi srednievekovnoi narodnoi kulturi Moscow, , translated as Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception, trans.
Bak and Paul A. Hollingsworth Cambridge, Aaron Iakovlevich Gurevich, ''Vedima v dierevnie i pred sudom narodnaia i uchionnaia tradicii v ponimanii magii '' [Witches in the village and on the bench of the accused: Popular and learned traditions in the interpretation of magic], in Jaziki kulturi i problemi perevodimosti [Languages, cultures and the problems of mediation] Moscow, , Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans.
Carlo Ginzburg, Il formaggio e i vermi: Il cosmo di un mugnaio nel ' Milan, , xi-xxxi; translated as The Cheese and the Worms, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi Baltimore, Burke, Popular Culture. Po-Chia Hsia and R. On microhistory, see: Edward Muir and Guido Ruggiero, eds. Critical Inquiry 20 Autumn, : Baroja, Las brujas, as n.
Among French contributions, the book on Magistrats et sorciers by Robert Mandrou stands out. Briggs, Communities of Belief, Burke, Popular Culture, Klaniczay A Cultural History of Witchcraft Teresa Lavender Fagan Chicago, ; idem, ed.
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He is the author or editor of 20 books and numerous articles on the anthropology and history of England, Nepal , Japan and China. In recent years he has become increasingly interested in the use of visual material in teaching and research. Macfarlane was born into a British family of tea planters in Assam in northeast India. He was born in Ganesh Das Hospital in the hill station of Shillong , at the time the capital of undivided Assam state and now the capital of Meghalaya. His father "Mac" Macfarlane was also a reserve officer of the Assam Rifles , besides being a tea planter, and his mother was the author Iris Macfarlane. The family lived in various tea estates in both Upper Assam and Lower Assam , in the Brahmaputra valley.
Analyzing a Historical Debate
This was also the period when studies on shamanism became livelier as well. Following the grand synthetic effort of Mircea Eliade in Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy published in French in and translated into English in , 7 Ian Lewis reopened the theoretical-typological enquiry on shamanism and possession in Project MUSE promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide.
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A cultural history of witchcraft
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Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England-Alan MacFarlane The history of witchcraft continues to attract attention with its emotive.
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Это и есть ключ. Давайте оба веса. Мы произведем вычитание.
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ГЛАВА 6 Хотя Энсей Танкадо еще не родился, когда шла Вторая мировая война, он тщательно изучал все, что было о ней написано, - особенно о кульминации войны, атомном взрыве, в огне которого сгорело сто тысяч его соотечественников. Хиросима, 6 августа 1945 года, 8. 15 утра. Акт безжалостного уничтожения.